There
have been a lot of bad news for Eupropean Green parties lately and it
must be said that those woes are not really undeserved. In Germany,
the local Green Party had commissioned Franz Walter and Stephan
Klecha, both of the Göttingen Institute for Democracy Research to
search the party’s archives and clear it from accusations of having
defended pedophilia during the eighties. Unfortunately – for the
Greens – they proved the accusations were very founded and that the
Greens’ position on the issue was then a close approximation of
NAMBLA’s.
This
may have had an impact on the – disastrous for the Greens –
elections which followed.
In
France, the Greens are a part of the government. A few weeks ago,
their (not so a) leader Pascal Durand, "discovered"
that said government did not intend to do anything about the energy
transition and threatened a mass resignation if a few measures were
not taken. The Green ministers had a quick look at their paycheck,
decided they wanted another one, and convened that Pascal Durand
should lead the way by resigning from his leadership.
Needless
to say, this has slightly tarnished their already dubious reputation.
Of
course, the Greens are not the only ones to have defended dubious
causes back in the days. In 1977 a number of French pundits,
Jean-Paul Sartre, Bernard Kouchner and Jack Lang among them, had
signed a petition in support of three pedophiles, which hasn’t kept
two of them from becoming ministers in very un-green governments
later on. As for using one’s status as a minor ally of the
dominant party to get jobs one will later be reluctant to relinquish
even if that means sitting on one’s ideals... it is a national
sport in France, and my own party is quite guilty of that.
Yet,
the Greens, at least in France, embody those faults far better than
the other parties and are frequently lambasted for this, even in the
rather cynical political world.
This
is partly due to their drawing much of their support from the urban
upper middle class, who have no interest in changing a social
structure they mightily benefit from, but still wants to enjoy the
moral high ground. This is not the whole story, however.
As
Franz Walter stated :
Nature
conservation and sustainable development are not a fertile ground for
pedophilia and child abuse. The Greens, however, have a second agenda
which, curiously is not compatible with the first, a kind of radical
liberalism combined with a strong individualistic hedonism. In this
environment, emerged in the 1970s, before the foundation of the
Greens, the claims for decriminalization of sex offenses and a
tolerance of sex between adults and children. In the early 1980s,
part of this radical liberalism made its way into the Greens.
Nature
conservation was not, at the beginning, a progressive issue. The
project of the Enlightenment was to use rationality, and only
rationality, to deal with the world. That meant getting rid of the
influence of the churches but also establishing the dominance of Man
over Nature so as to create in this world the paradise the churches
promised us for the next. Note that does not necessarily meant
democracy. Freedom of speech and rationality could, and did, flourish
in an undemocratic context, such as Frederick II’s Prussia of
Joseph II’s Austria and most enlightened philosophers of the time
denied any legitimacy to the opinion of the people, opposing, like
D’Alembert, "truly
enlightened public" with "the blind and noisy multitude".
Nature
conservation did not come either from the first opponents of the
Enlightenment, the Counter-Revolutionists such as Joseph de Maistre.
Those rejected the rule of reason because it threatened the
(traditional) social order and undermined the dominance of the
Church. The other branch of counter-enlightenment, romanticism, was
totally different. It was often very critical of the old social order
and of established religion. Romanticists spearheaded the
revolutions and the national revolts of the nineteenth century,
opposing dynastic legitimacy in the name, not of rationality, but of
the peoples.
Romanticism
opposed not rationality itself but rationality’s claim to
supremacy. Romanticists valued the emotional and the atavistic, and
they certainly could not find that in the rarefied atmosphere of the
salons of the enlightened elite. Hence came their love for nature, as
well as for folk traditions and medieval tales.
This
yielded ethnic nationalism – which, at the beginning was the idea
that the common people,
not some enlightened elite, should rule –
but also a deep reverence for nature. One can find this ideology
among the Wandervögel, a German back-to-nature youth organization
emphasizing freedom, self-responsibility, and the spirit of
adventure, or in the agrarian conservatism of Tolkien, whose heroes,
please remember, are not princes but pipe-smoking undersized farmers.
Needless
to say this ideology was deeply illiberal and not very fond of the
mythology of progress.
German
romanticism, however, took a wrong turn during the nineteenth century
when the dream of back-to-the-land self-sufficiency got mixed down
with Austrian esoterism and racial mysticism. The end result was the
ideological cancer of Nazism and an apocalyptic war which buried
ecological concerns under the ruins and made sure that when they
would resurface, it would be on the left.
The
problem was that it happened during the late sixties, just as the
left, until them dominated by socialism, reconfigured itself. As left
radicalism was embraced by the growing middle classes, there was a
focus away from the concerns of the working classes toward hedonism
and individualism. It is not by chance that, in France, the events of
may 1968 began with a protest over the right for boys to visit the
girls’ dormitory.
These
ideas came, not from socialism, which was very ambivalent toward
individualism, but from classical liberalism, that is from the
Enlightenment. They, of course, continue its Messianic ambitions and
dellusions.
The
revolt of the sixties against the rigid post-war order was salutary
in many ways. Many injustices had to be redressed, notably in favor
of women, gays and racial minorities. Considering them like people
certainly was a great advance on the way toward a decent society. The
lack of involvement with the labor movement and the prevalence of
middle class individualistic values among activists ensured, however,
that the political organizations born the New Left would be liberal,
in the European meaning of the word.
The
Greens are one such organization and here lies the problem. As Franz
Walter said their two ideological engines are not compatible. You
cannot at the same time defend individualism and community solutions,
hedonism and sobriety, progress and sustainability. Sooner or later,
as with the Social-democrat parties, one of the two agendas will be
put to the back-burner or replaced by noisy tokenism. Since
mitigating the effect of peak energy is likely to involve very
unpopular measures we can safely bet that societal issues, on which
an agreement can be easily reached with Social-democrat parties, will
come to the forefront, along with those Paul Kingsnorth call
neo-environmentalists.
This is already the case to some extend. The French Greens have been
far more vocal about the Leonarda
Dibrani case than about the planned prolongation of the lifetime
of the country’s nuclear plants.
For
groups rooted in the upper “bobo” middle class, it is the path of
least resistance, and it is why it is becoming more and more
dominant, relegating the romantic vision and the notion of limits to
the fringes – and sometimes, it must be said, forcing them into
shady neighborhoods.
That
means that the Green parties will become more and more irrelevant to
our predicament and less and less likely to bring a constructive
response to the ecological crisis. In fact, they will probably delay
the emergence, at the political level, of a true political answer to
peak energy, free from the mythology of progress, the liberal
delusion, but also from the cancerous remnants of the völkish
perversion.
Yet,
this is what we must work on if we want to face the coming energy descent without falling into the same cancerous traps as German Romanticism